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Pro-Life Post Roe

  • Writer: R.C. Muhlbaier
    R.C. Muhlbaier
  • Jul 19, 2022
  • 5 min read

The Supreme Court has overturned the Roe and Casey decisions which allowed for unrestricted abortions in the United States. This most recent ruling on Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization will not end the political struggle over abortion, but now that the Supreme Court has relinquished its role on abortion law the debate the national significance will be diminished. While there will likely be proposed legislation on the federal level, it is unlikely to make much progress unless a significant change in the composition of

heavily progressive states will pass pro-choice laws without much resistance while heavily conservative states will pass laws that largely restrict abortion. Many states will settle on abortion law that allows for unrestricted abortions through the first trimester, with increasing restrictions with the increasing maturity of the unborn. In this new political reality the Church must also shift its advocacy for life.


Pro-life Christians have long been involved with advocacy at the national level. The energy must now be focused at the state level where abortion law will most likely be decided. Pro-life advocacy in some states will now be more influential because the audience will be local legislators who are responsive to influential constituent groups as compared to federal judges. The availability of abortions may decrease in states where the pro-life movement is influential (like here in Indiana), but that does not mean there will be a decrease in women with unplanned pregnancies who are scared or even desperate for a solution. It is right to advocate public policy that honors the life of the unborn, but the demand for justice of the unborn must be paired with love and compassion for these women, new babies, and families.


Alongside the political advocacy to protect the unborn, pro-life Christian should also advocate for community and state funded support for women and newborns. The goal cannot be simply to make abortion illegal, but to make it unthinkable. If women know there is support available to help with unplanned pregnancies, abortion becomes an extreme option rather than one of the most viable for desperate women. Public support should be narrowly targeted, intended to facilitate independence, and include partnerships with faith-based organizations including local church ministries.


I suggest that support should be narrowly targeted because the target demographic for pro-life support and ministry are women and families that are generally weary of abortion, but may find themselves considering abortion out of desperation. Women who view abortion as a normal form of birth control or family planning are not likely to engage the support and ministry discussed here. However, narrow does not mean stingy. We are talking about an immediate life/death situation and so availability of support should be as widely available as necessary. Ideally, the support can be tailored to the specific needs of the women and family. We do not need to reinvent the wheel for much of this support. Various programs such as food stamps, childcare subsidies, adoption services, exist which are already funded or facilitated by the states. These existing programs will need to be adjusted to meet the new realities of abortion restrictions in some states and also the increased pro-abortion advocacy in others states. New or expanded maternity leave provisions should be a part of a process that allows women to keep their employment and facilitates their movement to independence. New or expanded partnerships with faith-based organizations will be necessary to avoid the overload of government programs that is often a barrier to receiving support.


The role and responsibilities of fathers to the unborn and the unborn’s mother is also a necessary consideration in public policy. Our communities should expect fathers to support the well-being of their unborn children regardless of the relationship between he and the expectant mother. Ideally, incentivizing and enforcing these expectations will lead to greater ongoing involvement of these fathers in the life of their children. There is no doubt that identifying fathers of the unborn has its legal and practical difficulties, and no law or policy is ever perfect in creating the desired results. Yet, the benefits of increased involvement of fathers in the lives of their children from the start is worth exploring novel policies.


Beyond Pubic Policy


Public policy and programs are often necessary to support women and families who would have considered abortion otherwise. I also acknowledge that there is much room for exploration and debate around the policies I suggested above. The truth is, whatever public policies exist will not, and cannot provide all of the support these women and families need. Public program recipients must be viewed in the fullness of their humanity. People cannot live on the generosity of the state or community alone. These women and families, like all of us, need a community of genuine relationships to thrive. As such, the local church must seek ways to support community organizations that serve pregnant women, new parents, and their newborns such as crisis pregnancy centers. Many of these organizations go beyond medical monitoring and care to parenting classes and spiritual support which gives ample opportunity to get involved in relational ways in addition to being generous. One example in my area is First Choice for Women.


Maybe most importantly, we as disciples of Jesus, need to be prepared to respond to opportunities to extend love, grace, and compassion to women, men, and families who need support. It will not do to address an unwed expecting mother with judgment for a failure of sexual ethics. Instead, we must be ready to invite them into our homes and gatherings so they can receive the love and hospitality of God through the Body of Christ. We must offer rides to doctor’s appointments, help prepare their homes for a new baby, connect them with available services and help with the application processes, encourage and support expectant fathers, and many other possibilities. In short, we must be prepared to receive them into our church families and our family units.


Conclusion


The pro-life work of the church is only beginning. The church and individual disciples of Jesus must show up to meet the needs in the new legal and cultural environment in the U.S. In states that have heavy restrictions on abortion, the church will need to connect with women, men, and families who may have a heightened feelings of desperation. In states that will codify open access to abortion, the church will need to demonstrate its commitment to supporting women and families as other options are encouraged. It is not enough to be satisfied with political progress. We must seek to support the physical needs and spiritual life of abundance that is possible through Jesus Christ for those who are most affected by the political changes. May we have the resolve to continue and increase as the presence of Christ.

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